செய்திக் கட்டுரை
In Pakistan, we are in a constant state of denial about the unacceptable level of violence associated with religion prevalent in our society. Since Zia's days when he encouraged the rise of sectarian and ethnic militias, the country has been racked by an unending spiral of violence.
And the state, far from cracking down on those who use religion to kill and maim, has sought to exploit these very groups as proxies in Afghanistan and Kashmir.
This has given these gangs a legitimacy that has emboldened them to recruit and raise money openly.
Indeed, they are now so deeply embedded in our society at so many levels that it is hard to see how the tide can be turned, even if any government in the foreseeable future does muster up the political will and the courage to put the genie of extremism back into the bottle.
Many people in Britain are sceptical about the alleged plot, given the recent track record of the UK's intelligence agencies. But whatever evidence is finally produced, the arrests do suggest that there is a strong nexus between Islamic organisations in Pakistan, and young Muslims in Britain of Pakistani origin. One feature of extremist groups is that as soon as they are banned, they simply change their names and are back in business.
Thus, the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi has morphed into the Jamaat-ud-Dawa, with Hafeez Mohammad Saeed being the leader of both organisations. Although government spokesmen have tried to distance him from the alleged plot, it is hard to see how a militant group like the Lashkar can become a peaceful welfare organisation overnight.
For the first time, the Tablighi Jamaat is being accused of being a front for terrorist outfits. This organisation has long been viewed as a non-violent collection of devout Muslims whose primary concern is to spread Islam.
At its huge annual public gathering in Raiwind, it attracts hundreds of thousands of the faithful in what is described as the biggest congregation of Muslims outside Makkah. But here is what Alex Alexiv, vice-president for research at the Washington-based Centre for Security Policy says about the Jamaat: All Tablighis preach a creed that is hardly distinguishable from the radical Wahabi-Salafi jihadist ideology that so many terrorists share...
அவர் சொல்லும் மிக மிக முக்கியமான ஒன்று இது தான்...
In a recent survey of Muslims living in Britain, an overwhelming majority said they considered themselves Muslims first, and British next. In a secular society, this has come as a big surprise, specially considering the numerous social benefits received by the thousands of Muslims who do not contribute to the system. And 40 per cent of Muslims would like to see Shariah law imposed in Britain. Despite this, 63 per cent of all Britons have a favourable impression of Muslims.
இந்தியாவின் நிலையும் இது தான். பெரும்பான்மை இந்துக்கள் இந்திய முஸல்மான்கள் நல்லவர்கள் என்று நம்புவதும், ஆனால் இந்திய முஸல்மான்களில் பெரும்பான்மையோர் தங்களை முஸ்லீம்களாகவே முதலில் பார்த்துக் கொள்வதும் பிறகு தான் இந்தியர் என்று பார்த்துக் கொள்வதுமாக உள்ளதால் வரும் பிரச்சனை தான் பிரித்தானியர்கள் இப்போது உணர்கிறார்கள்.
Back in Pakistan, the government is doing its best to put a favourable spin on its role in disrupting the alleged plot. Poor Tasnim Aslam, the Foreign Office spokesperson, has been pleading for greater recognition of Pakistan's efforts combating terrorism. But she and her bosses fail to realise that while they are determined to see only one side of the coin, the rest of the world is bent on examining the other side very closely indeed. And what they see is the country to which would-be suicide bombers travel to receive indoctrination and training. Canadian, American, British and French newspapers that I have been reading recently have all carried articles and leaders about the now infamous "Pakistan connection".
It is clear that our current policy of stout denial fools nobody. Anybody visiting Pakistan now sees a country in the grip of growing religious fervour. We have unwittingly created an environment where extremism and terrorism breed and multiply. Unless we pull out our heads from the sand, we will not see the extent of the problem. And if we cannot see the problem, we cannot even begin to solve it.
மறுப்பு அரசியலை வெளிச்சம் போட்டு காட்டிய இர்பன் ஹுசைனுக்கு நன்றிகள் பல.
பாகிஸ்தானில் மட்டுமில்லாமல், இந்திய செகுலரிஸ்டுகள் செய்யும் அதே வெத்துவேட்டு மறுப்பு அரசியலின் நிலையும் தலையை மண்ணில் புதைத்துக் கொள்ளும் வான் கோழி நிலை தான் என்பது துரதிர்ஷ்டவசமான உண்மை.
இதில் இர்பன் ஹுசைன் மறந்தது என்ன வென்றால்...
"It is clear that our current policy of stout denial fools nobody"
Well, it does fool the certified liberal secularists on the other side of the border. பாகிஸ்தானை புகழ்ந்து வலைப்பதிவுகள் முதல் செய்திக் கட்டுரைகள் வரை எழுதித் தள்ளிய "திம்மி" க்களை.
